Democratic renewal and the product of primes
During one
of the recent elections – I think it was 2018, so it must have been the London council
elections – I helped out. My job, Samantha persuaded me, was to collect information from each polling station on Election Day itself. There are several polling stations across the
patch, and I cycled from one to the other, finding out how many people had
voted. This is something that the
polling stations record as they go along and will share with the various parties
standing in the election. They can’t and
won’t say how people have voted, of course; but they will tell you that, in the
past two hours, 55 people (or whatever) have gone into the booth with a polling
card.
Once I’d
found out from each polling station how many people had voted in the past couple of hours, I cycled back
to the local Labour Party HQ and told them what I’d discovered. I did this pretty much all day and cycled
about 70 miles.
The point of
this – I learned – was to help manage the process of ‘getting out the vote’. Getting your vote out is the very business end
of an election. There’s no point having
loads of people support you if, on the day itself, they stay at home.
In the days
and weeks and months before the election, volunteers and candidates and Labour
Party officials had been knocking on doors throughout the borough, finding out
who might be intending to vote Labour (and, wherever possible, persuading
waverers to vote Labour). (This isn’t
something just the Labour Party do, of course: all parties do it.) So by the time of the election you (the
Labour Party) have (hopefully) a rough idea of how many people in each ward of
the constituency are intending to vote for you.
So if you
learn that the number of people turning up to vote in a particular ward has so
far been low, you can consult your lists of voters and Labour supporters in
that ward and make a decision on whether to deploy your resources (that is, your
volunteers and activists) specifically to that area to encourage your voters to
actually get to the polling station.
Given that the polling stations are open from 7 in the morning until 10
at night, if you keep tabs on the numbers voting at regular intervals you can
(potentially, at least) have a significant impact on your vote.
I noticed,
however, that the people at local HQ to whom I gave my data were markedly less
interested in some wards than others. Eventually
I figured out why.
In some
wards, local voters are so overwhelmingly Labour, or Tory, that sending your
troops there is a waste of time. The
places that really matter are where it’s tight, where a handful of voters
voting one way rather than another might really make a difference. So if you discover that turnout is low in a
place where a few more Labour voters might make a disproportionate difference,
that’s where you go. (Equally, if you
conclude that your vote has been disproportionately high in a particular place, you can divert your resources
elsewhere.)
This might
all seem well and good, except it is a story in microcosm of the weakness of
the first-past-the-post system. Only in
a first-past-the-post system does it make sense to focus your effort
geographically. It is most obvious at
national level. I was born in a
seat where the Tory majority is substantial. The Tory candidate – any Tory candidate – knows that they are going to win, irrespective
of their efforts. What would be the point
of sending scarce volunteer resources to a place where you know you’re going to
win? Those resources can be – and are –
sent instead to ‘marginals’, the places where minor changes in voting
preferences or turnout can make the difference between victory and defeat.
But what
does this mean between
elections? It means a Tory MP treating
(in that case) his constituency with near contempt. He need never even visit. (I certainly never saw him, or heard anything
about him, when I was growing up.)
Similarly, and as the Labour Party found out in 2019,
if you simply assume that the people who have ‘always’ voted for you will continue
to do so indefinitely… Well. One day you
come unstuck.
Back to my
wards. Over here, bits of town where the
vote is (perceived as) tight and where, as a result, political activists (from
all parties) spend their time. Over
there, the ‘safe’ bits, where ‘your’ vote is assured. Live in a ‘tight’ area? Well, weirdly, you have the experience of
being noticed, of attention being paid, of being politically important.
Live in a
safe seat, a safe ward? You never see
anyone from a political party.
And herewith
the problem. In a first-past-the-post
system, every vote does not matter.
All votes are equal, but some are more equal than others. In a first-past-the-post system, political attention
is focused, not just on Election Day but systematically, in some locations
rather than others.
In a system
of proportional representation, however – and I really don’t care precisely
what kind of PR I mean – any vote anywhere has the potential to be the one that
matters. And that would mean political
activists, of all persuasions, engaging with voters everywhere. Often.
Not just at election time.
That would
in turn mean greater political
sensitivity. At the moment – and,
again, as the Labour Party has found out to its cost – if you spend year after
year after year not really paying attention to the people in a particular
place, because you simply assume that they’ll vote for you, there will
come a point when you no longer really know who they are, or how they live
their lives, or how they think or feel, or what really matters to them. And one day you’ll say things or offer things
that simply don’t make sense to them any more – and they’ll either turn off
completely or vote for someone else.
If, as we
must, we are to have some sort of democratic renewal in this country – and by
that I mean a politics not which obliges everyone to be endlessly ‘involved’
but one which is structurally sensitive to the lives people are actually leading
– then some sort of PR is, I conclude, essential.
It’s my
birthday (a product of primes!) so I’ll rant if I want to.
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